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Archive for the ‘Immigration Policy’ Category

Not much about the self-imposed insanity of the sequester makes sense, so it’s good to see something that does. “ICE [U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement] officials have said they released a few hundred people in anticipation of the budget cuts set to hit on Friday,” CQ reported on Thursday. “The people released were low-priority detainees and are still being monitored by immigration authorities, they said.”

Of course, congressional Republicans opposed to immigration reform reacted with their usual hyperbole, charging that this release of “criminal aliens” was “putting the safety of the public at risk.” This is nonsense. If enforcement cuts are required under the sequester, as they are and should be, this is exactly the kind of saving that makes sense.

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On Tuesday, the House Subcommittee on Border and Maritime Security will hold a hearing entitled, “What Does a Secure Border Look Like?” If I were testifying at this hearing, I would respectfully submit to the members of the subcommittee that they’re asking the wrong question. This question has no answer, it’s a diversion from the essential task of creating an immigration system that works for America, and it misunderstands what the U.S.-Mexico border is.

As Ted Alden of the Council on Foreign Relations has pointed out, there are no agreed-upon metrics for assessing the state of border security. The Government Accountability Office and the Congressional Research Service, Congress’s two research arms (which will have witnesses at the hearing), have done useful work in this area. The Migration Policy Institute has published a voluminous and definitive report on immigration enforcement, including the status of the southwest border. All of these studies emphasize the enormous strides that have been made on that border, and the extent to which it looks fundamentally different today than it did 10 or 20 years ago. But none produces the definitive metrics that Mr. Alden argues are urgently needed.

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Presidential SealPresident Obama dedicated significant attention to immigration reform in his State of the Union address last night. To set the tone, he introduced the issue by tying it to the economy:

Our economy is stronger when we harness the talents and ingenuity of striving, hopeful immigrants. And right now, leaders from the business, labor, law enforcement, and faith communities all agree that the time has come to pass comprehensive immigration reform.

Because border security and the “enforcement first” mentality has historically impeded us from moving the immigration debate forward, the president then made the case that the border is already secure. He pointed to his administration’s track record of “putting more boots on the southern border than at any time in our history and reducing illegal crossings to their lowest levels in 40 years.”

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President Obama and the Senate bipartisan “Gang of Eight” have laid down their markers for legislation to overhaul our nation’s immigration laws. The president’s plan is stronger because it provides a clear and unambiguous path to legal permanent residency and citizenship for undocumented immigrants who meet agreed eligibility criteria and because the president’s plan would make the additional green cards available that this commitment would require.

The bipartisan Senate framework, which NAFSA analyzed in a January 28 statement, provides fundamentally the same path, but would not permit undocumented immigrants to embark on the path until the border is in some vague and undefined sense “secure,” and not until “completion” of an entry-exit system—two conditions which are beyond immigrants’ control and might be impossible to meet. In addition, the framework is silent on the green card issue—a key omission because, without more green cards, the “line,” to which everyone agrees the undocumented immigrants must “go to the back,” would stretch into infinity.

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Following President Barack Obama’s second Inaugural address, the tendency in press commentary has been to over-emphasize its “liberalism” and to underplay what is really its central theme:  a reassertion of values that go back to our country’s founding.

This is understandable: The press has to label things. And yes, many of the president’s proposals would be considered part of the liberal agenda by the standard of today’s politics, when any proposal that carries the connotation “government” or “regulation” is called liberal.

But it was not always so. It was not even recently so. In his superb book, Our Divided Political Heart, E.J. Dionne writes, “American history is defined by an irrepressible and ongoing tension between two core values: our love of individualism and our reverence for community.” This tension goes back to our founding and to the Federalist Papers. Virtually all of us hold both of these values, and much of our political history constitutes a debate over where the balance between them lies. But only rarely (as today) have we lost sight of the reality that there are two sides to America’s “political heart.”

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The election of 2012 is, thankfully, over. The outcome gives great hope to those of us who spend our time working for comprehensive immigration reform. President Barack Obama expressed a clear and consistent commitment to immigration reform and won. The Maryland DREAM Act passed handily, which bodes well for immigration reform nationwide.

Hispanics turned out in record numbers. This did not happen by accident. It is the result of months and years of work by colleagues—ethnic groups and immigration activists—to register Hispanics and get out the Hispanic vote. Many worked hard for these outcomes—including members, leaders, and staff of this association. Like Obama, they too had a good ground game. I salute them; they give us all much to be proud of and thankful for.

Now, the real work begins. The fact the President got 71 percent of the Hispanic vote creates both the opportunity and the obligation to address comprehensive immigration reform as a first order of business in the new Congress. But it does not guarantee the outcome. Only we can do that.

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Presidential candidates Barack Obama and Mitt Romney sparred over immigration policy in their televised debate on Tuesday night, the second of three debates. In a testy exchange, the candidates touched on each of the three pillars of comprehensive immigration reform: enforcement, visas, and the undocumented. While Romney and Obama may disagree on details, both said they would seek major revisions to federal law in the next Congress.

The truth is, today’s world of global mobility bears little resemblance to where we were generations ago when the basic structure of U.S. immigration law was created. We need a new, sustainable national policy now. NAFSA supports comprehensive immigration reform that is based on facts, fairness, and a shared future. True comprehensive reform must address the three pillars of border security and enforcement, broad visa reform, and resolution of undocumented persons.

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This post was originally published on ILW.com, a leading immigration online law publisher, on July 3, 2012. 

What are we going to do about U.S. immigration policy? That question is back in the spotlight again after a whirlwind two weeks for the issue. First, the Obama Administration announced that it would end the deportations of undocumented young people who would be eligible for relief under the DREAM Act. Then, last week, the Supreme Court struck down three of four key elements of the controversial anti-immigrant law passed in 2010 by the state of Arizona.

Both of these developments are significant steps in the right direction – but they rightly beg the question: How do we really go about fixing the problem we have when it comes to U.S. immigration policy? What is needed is a comprehensive approach to immigration reform that is based in fairness, facts, and a shared future.

These three concepts aren’t just nice words – they mean something.

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Friday, June 15, was an exciting day. After years of advocacy on the part of individuals and organizations concerned about the plight of undocumented students, President Obama held a Rose Garden ceremony to announce temporary relief for young people who, though raised in the United States, have no legal immigration status because they were brought to the country illegally as children.

The policy change the president announced will allow undocumented young people who fit very specific criteria to apply for temporary relief from possible deportation under a little-known avenue called deferred action.

Deferred action is a policy of prioritization. It recognizes the need to focus Department of Homeland Security (DHS) enforcement resources on the highest-priority cases, while, at the same time, taking into account compelling circumstances of individual immigrants that warrant putting immigration enforcement on hold for a defined period of time. Recognizing that these individuals must support themselves while in the United States, there is the option to apply for work authorization.

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Leymah GboweeLiberian activist and Nobel Peace Laureate Leymah Gbowee recalled being at a U.S. airport recently and being questioned about why she had a Liberian passport while her child had a U.S. passport.

She explained she’d had the child while visiting the United States and could not get home in time to give birth. The agent was not kind to her—until she saw something on her passport and realized Gbowee was a recent Nobel Laureate. Then the agent proceeded to apologize profusely. Gbowee reflected that this in no way excused the poor treatment she experienced, and that people should not treat others badly—no matter what nation they call home.

Gbowee shared a number of her experiences and impressions during a recent speech at NAFSA’s 2012 Annual Conference & Expo in Houston.

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